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MP Eric Duncan doggedly peels back the layers of this bewildering saga, it's like watching a detective piecing together clues from a crime scene. Only in this case, the crime is against common sense and competence. Duncan, in his relentless pursuit of clarity, tries to navigate through the smoke and mirrors of governmental protocol and accountability—or, more accurately, the lack thereof. His line of questioning, aimed at understanding past mistakes to prevent future blunders, is met with the kind of resistance you'd expect from an administration knee-deep in damage control. The conversation veers into the territory of the Prime Minister's infamous trip to India—a diplomatic disaster that still haunts the halls of Canadian politics. A known terrorist ends up on the guest list, and suddenly, Canada's international reputation is dancing on the edge of a knife. The witness’s acknowledgment of this past mistake underlines a crucial point: the importance of vetting, the need for thorough background checks, and the dire consequences of neglecting such processes. It's a lesson in governance, served cold, courtesy of a glaring blunder on the international stage.

America’s Weakness Is a Provocation H.R. McMaster Sep 8, 2024 The White House’s preference for de-escalation has ushered in the most dangerous period I can remember. Regardless of the outcome of the election, the period of maximum danger may be the days between November 5, 2024 and January 20, 2025. Our enemies will see a President Biden who lacks the mental sharpness and energy to confront aggression. President Harris or Trump will confront a world in crisis.  Alas, I also suspect that crises will extend to the homefront. It’s not hard to imagine one candidate winning a narrow victory and the loser claiming that the result was fraudulent or skewed by foreign interference.  So what can we do? Support whoever is elected. Urge him or her to strengthen our nation, abandon the obsession with de-escalation, and convince the axis of aggressors that they can no longer pursue their objectives with impunity. Never have I been more concerned about the fate of my nation—and of the free world. 

In light of these multifaceted challenges, what does strategic independence mean for Europe, and how can it be achieved? Panel 6: Europe’s Political and Strategic Predicaments For more details: https://lnkd.in/dDgRU-4s

In light of these multifaceted challenges, what does strategic independence mean for Europe, and how can it be achieved? Panel 6: Europe’s Political and Strategic Predicaments For more details: https://lnkd.in/dDgRU-4s

In light of these multifaceted challenges, what does strategic independence mean for Europe, and how can it be achieved? Panel 6: Europe’s Political and Strategic Predicaments For more details: https://lnkd.in/dDgRU-4s

#comments : Stress Test: Can a troubled system withstand a disruptive leader? As we anticipate the implications of a second Trump presidency, the fundamental question remains: Can American democracy endure the strain? With threats to vital institutions and alliances, the echoes of history remind us that change often emerges when trust in authority wanes. We must navigate a landscape shaped by rising nationalism and isolationism, risking our hard-won global order. As seen with Putin’s aggression and Orbán's push towards illiberal democracy, the stakes are higher than ever. Respect for international norms is eroding, putting us on a perilous path. The future may hinge on how leaders, including Trump, choose to confront unwritten rules. As mistakes and misunderstandings threaten global stability, the responsibility to uphold democracy and the very foundations of international law falls upon all of us. A resilient international order is vital for our safety and progress. Together, we must reaffirm our commitment to cooperation and diplomacy to face the challenges ahead. #StressTest #Democracy #InternationalRelations https://lnkd.in/dwaZa3sc via @ForeignAffairs

Here is my new contribution on American politics and the war in Ukraine: https://lnkd.in/exZt3Qf6

https://lnkd.in/dCjrQuME Acknowledging the New Paradigm of America’s China Policy As the world awaits the beginning of a second Trump administration, it is crucial to acknowledge a monumental transformation in U.S.-China relations during the first Trump administration—a shift that marked an end to a half-century engagement without progress; and that established a strategic vision that treats the Chinese Communist Party as an existential threat to both American interests and global stability.  Tuesday, November 26, 2024  By: Miles Maochun Yu The first Trump administration’s China policy marks a necessary and principled stand. It represents not an escalation but a needed course correction—a response to the CCP’s relentless pursuit of global influence and repression. Those who criticize this approach on the grounds of Cold War rhetoric, misinterpretations of Nixon, extremism, or a lack of allied support, fail to understand the deep-seated motivations behind this policy. The Trump administration recognizes the CCP’s growing challenge to peace and democracy and seeks to mobilize a coalition to stand against it. In defending the values of freedom and democracy, the U.S. is not alone; it stands with allies who share its commitment to resisting totalitarianism and protecting global stability. The stakes are clear, and the path forward is set: a resolute stand against CCP aggression, an unwavering defense of democratic principles, and a coalition of free nations willing to secure a future unburdened by authoritarian threats.

DONALD TRUMP assembles his foreign-policy team, many of his picks display a common characteristic: they are strident China hawks. Those seeking a tougher approach towards America’s rival range from Mike Waltz, Mr Trump’s proposed national security adviser, to Marco Rubio, his nominee for secretary of state. Part of their job will be to grasp how relations have changed in the four years since the last Trump administration, a period in which the Chinese economy has sagged, tensions around Taiwan and in the South China Sea have grown, and the war in Ukraine has further divided the world’s biggest powers. When weighing up the risks Xi Jinping is prepared to take in his competition with America, new calculations are needed. Forming them must involve studying what motivates China’s leader. A valuable tool is the vast body of literature purporting to have been written by Mr Xi. The number of volumes bearing his name, explaining his views on China’s main concerns at home and abroad, far exceeds that of books by Mr Trump or Mr Putin—or, indeed, previous Chinese leaders (see chart). According to an estimate by the China Media Project, he published 120 volumes in the first decade of his rule. This year at least nine have been added to the pile (“Excerpts from Xi Jinping’s Discourses on Natural Resources Work” is hot off the presses this month). These books are tedious, but they are also important. They reflect the ideology that guides the party and show how Mr Xi is trying to reshape it to justify his distinctive approach to ruling the country and projecting Chinese power. In 2017, during Mr Trump’s first term, “Inside the Mind of Xi Jinping” by François Bougon, a French journalist, became the first critical book-length study of what is commonly known as “Xi Jinping Thought”. Mr Bougon argued that Mr Xi “manoeuvres, tinkers, and seeks his balance” between conflicting ideological forces in China. “There is no indication that he is the author of a coherent doctrine of his own.” Analysts now have much more of Mr Xi’s thought to sift through. Among global statesmen, Kevin Rudd is rare in having undertaken this task. Mr Rudd was Australia’s prime minister between 2007 and 2010, when Mr Xi was China’s heir apparent, and again in 2013, after Mr Xi became leader. In a recent book, “On Xi Jinping: How Xi’s Marxist Nationalism is Shaping China and the World”, Mr Rudd, who is now his country’s ambassador to America, says “the outline of Xi’s brave new world is now hiding in plain sight for us all.” His bibliography lists well over 50 of Mr Xi’s books. More than a quarter were published after Mr Trump left the White House.