From Burma to Myanmar in a new democratic society: Learning to be together
A Long Road to Federalism in Burma / Myanmar
By Banya Hongsar, Mon Writer Clud (Canberra)
Posted: www.monnews.org on the 2nd of December 2013
Constitutional amendment is the last battle of pro-democratic force of Burma’s people in the next movement for social and democratization change in the country in which the Mon’s political movement shall not be limited its own agenda for a genuine peace and formation of new federalism in Burma. After six decades of armed conflict within nation’s races, Burma’s new government has been exploring new way of solving domestic political differences in line with the demand of non-Burman ethnic people’s aspiration of self-autonomy under a new federalism. It is the only lasting solution to Burma’s diverse races and political interests in the country since the current government and ethnic armed leaders have met from time to time in the past twelfth months. A perspective of the Mon people shall be raised here in line with the aspiration of the nation’s race toward unity in diversity. A grand vision to federalism shall be shaped by the entire population of the country. This article is my own assertion for food of though.
Mon civil and political leaders with the support of local Buddhist monks held first national conference in September in Moulmein, the capital of Mon State in the first time after Burma’s independent. A sign of unity within Mon’s political force has been emerged while exploring wider space in political frontline in challenging the dominated Burmese political and military elites in the next election to be held in 2015. President of New Mon State Party (NMSP) addressed at the conference with his simple message to the Mon people in particular but mocked the Burmese military in general terms. Nai Htaw Mon said, proud of the past history shall never be prejudged yourself with narrow minded nor be the superior of your own political fault. It is simple message to the Burma’s dominated political power in the country while the armed conflict has never been solved peacefully in the past. A vision of new federalism shall be formed with equal footing in civil and political institution of Burma if the current government is determined to establish a successful new democratic nation in the 21st century. Let’s recall the past event of Mon State and Burma in our own time that shapes our vision for the next century.
The Thai-Burma border and Moulmein, the capital of Mon State, form a hub of political and commercial interests to many local people including Indian and Chinese descendents. Located on the banks of the Salween River, Moulmein is a seaport to national and regional waters but in a political context, the Mon people do not rule their own State but the Burman military does since its creation in 1974.
Under “Democracy and Human Rights on Burma”, a clarification is needed on how the social and political forces of the Mon community will play a role within the existing environment. In particular, what will the driving force of the Mon political community be in urban politics and whether the up coming political transition in the country will be valid for the Mon people as a whole?
Community based civil groups:
Mon political forces has grown weak after leaders were systematically jailed and muted in the 1990s, official political parties were banned, like the Mon National Democratic Front in 1992. From this, the front-runner, a Mon nationalist organization, the New Mon State Party and its armed wing, Mon National Liberation Army adopted a new political stance in 1995 signing a cease-fire agreement with the ruling military authority.
Both have a common interest in establishing self-determination for the Mon but lack a political mandate in Moulmein and other major cities in Mon State. Despite social and cultural organizations supporting political operations in communities throughout the 1980’s period, the Mon nationalist leaders have stuck to local politics while Burmese politics have had an impact regionally for years. To meet this challenge, pragmatic leaders reshaped the image of urban-based national political operations using innovative ideas such as training young leaders.
The Mon, in fact are the prime stakeholders of Burmese Independence in 1948 but the Burman nationalist led political faction has rejected their political, cultural and human rights.
Successive Mon leaders both from the urban and rural elite have fought for sovereignty of the Mon until the present day. Weaknesses of Mon politics took place in a pre-Burma independence struggle, while a pro-AFPFL (Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League) faction and the Mon nationalist political forces split over popular support in the 1940s.
Urban-based Mon national leaders formed a united Mon Front but were not granted equal status with the Burman under the constitution in 1947. The newly formed BSPP (Burmese Socialist Programme Party) government banned the existing rights of the Mon community who were not allowed to learn their mother language in public schools.
In 1977, after the formation of Mon State, Mon Language and Cultural Association of Ramanya (Moulmein) called a National Assembly at Ka Bang Htaw monastery in central Moulmein. Over 300 representatives of Buddhist monks and over 300 representatives of political, social, cultural and youth leaders attended the assembly and proposed to the BSPP government (7) points demanding social and political rights of the Mon community in the Mon State. Nothing was granted. As a result, the national movement raised the political climate and hundreds of young leaders fled to the border and joined the Mon National Liberation Army. This assembly is organized by the Buddhist monks community and receive no support from the administration of Mon State.
Armed conflict and the impact of civil rights movement
During 1980-1990, Mon State suffered from serious armed conflicts between the Mon National Liberation Army and government troops. The government launched military offensives in rural areas with various acts of discrimination against the non-combatant people. Cultural repression has been the state of affairs for many years, the publication of Mon books was and continues to be banned and progressive Mon youth leaders at universities were jailed for political support to New Mon State Party. Despite Ramanya Nikaya, leading Mon Buddhist monks associations formed in Moulmein, the teaching of Mon language in public schools were totally dismissed by the BSPP government.
Military appointed native Mon speakers were to be the ears and eyes of the government troops, who rule in every single Mon village today. Current military deployments in Mon State are another aspect for outsiders to seriously review in the country. The Southeast Military Command based in Moulmein, the capital of Mon State has expanded its military deployment in the southern part of Burma. The Military Operation Command No (19) is established in Ye after the Mon National Liberation Army and the Government troop reached a cease-fire in 1995.
Government troops proliferate in Infantries, Regiments, and Battalions throughout every town and major village in Mon State over the last ten years in which troops can spread out into armed conflict zones within a few hours in rural areas, while the Mon National Liberation Army only controls the border territory. Human Rights Foundation of Monland reported that the government troops have confiscated over 8,000 acres of farmland in southern Mon State in the last five years.
In November 2003, Independent Mon News Agency reported that the military government is planning to develop a nuclear reactor in Ka-la-got Island, in Ye township. Government troops firmly occupy the border trade route to Thanphyuzayat town from Three Pagodas Pass, on the western border of the Thai-Burma boundary. No matter how loud the Mon people cry out for the formation of a Mon authority, the current military deployment in the territory shows that the regime firmly controls the overall territory with a massive military force.
The exit way of the armed affiliated political party (NMSP)
The second major issue is whether political transition in Burma is a high stake game for the Mon people. The New Mon State Party (NMSP) has engaged in urban politics for over eight years but there is no strong evidence that the party will play a central role in political transition and mobilization, but at least it has signaled to the Rangoon ruling regime its unity with other non-Burman nationalities in the country.
Up to the present day, there is no clear agenda where the NMSP is heading to with the exception of releasing only a few occasional statements. The Party is formed with over thirty senior members who hold Executive and Central Committees positions with a back up support of District and Township Committees. The Party aims to administer five districts. The Mon community mostly resides in Thadhom, Moulmein, and Thavoy Districts while some others live in Pegu and Myeik Districts. The Thadohm district is mixed within Mon, Karen, Pa-o and Burman despite it being part of Mon State. A disputed border area and land control shall be addressed in the framework of ceasefire agreement between the government and Mon armed organizations. It is a sensitive issue to be addressed because the tenure of the land always remained the core debate of each ethnic groups in the country based on the historical context and the current trend of the flow of population of origin.
Mon National Democratic Front is the only nationalist party contested in General Election in 1990 and maintains its legitimate role as an official party despite the ruling military abolishing it in 1992. Veteran leader Nai Tun Thein, a key member of CRPP, conducts frequent political lectures and workshops for members and key supporters in the community despite the ruling authority banning it to operate. The party’s office is sealed off but the President opens up his home by inviting many from around the Mon community. The MNDF has been re-named its own title as ‘Mon Democratic party’ in November 2013 and announced that it will contest in the next general election regardless of the re-unification of two Mon parties. The former party is called “All Mon Regions Democracy Party (AMRDP). The AMRDP contested at the last election with minority seats won in Mon State. However, the Mon’s parties (Party – after re-unification) will be testing its own strength in against the ruling party and the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by popular figure, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in modern history of Burma. The call for unity is vital while winning majority seats in Mon State is another matter to be watched by the entire Mon people. On this transition, majority of Mon civil and political activists have been called to form a peak Mon Political Organization under the former title of “Mon Affair Union” or other agreeable title to be branded. Other suggested to be formed a model of Mon National Congress with wider participation local civil and other community based organizations that enable inclusive voices.
Whatever happens in the political transition in Burma; the Mon political community will structure itself well as an organization for coping with the change.
Vision to federalism
As long as Mon State is not ruled by the Mon nationality, the Mon nationalist movement will continue to remain active for the cause. A popular democratic transition in Burma may leave space for further parliamentary debate on many issues including those who rule the non-Burman states.
Finally, a national constitutional convention shall be called by the government or the government shall be forced to convene to call this convention that truly represented the voice of the entire people. Unless, a constitutional convention is called and held with majority of the support of the entire population, a long road to federalism will never be reached. It is time the Mon leaders and armed ethnic leaders have a grand vision of what model of federal shall be formed and therefore, they shall put this model to the entire public for wider support. Above all, federalism is an agreement of sharing power in different model but win-win to the entire public as public good.
2 December 2013 for IMNA