A vote for regional aspirations in Sikkim

The SKM’s victory shows Sikkim’s preference to maintain the status quo

Published - June 04, 2024 12:32 am IST

Sikkim CM and SKM chief Prem Singh Tamang being welcomed by party members after the victory in the State Assembly elections, in Gangtok on June 02, 2024.

Sikkim CM and SKM chief Prem Singh Tamang being welcomed by party members after the victory in the State Assembly elections, in Gangtok on June 02, 2024. | Photo Credit: ANI

In 1975, the people of Sikkim, comprising indigenous Lepcha, Bhutia, and Nepali ethno-cultural groups, became citizens of India. Since then, they have remained hostile to the imposition of what they see as nationalist projects. Sikkim has always been ruled by regional forces; its politics is embedded in the lived experience of the Sikkimese people. The results of the 2024 Assembly elections in the State once again reinforce this.

The elections were seen as a contest between the ruling Sikkim Krantikari Morcha (SKM) and the Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF). The SKM stormed back to power winning 31 of the 32 Assembly seats. The leader of the SDF, the five-time Chief Minister Pawan Kumar Chamling, lost both the seats he contested. The SDF managed to win just one seat.

The SKM’s victory can be attributed to many reasons. The first is the shift in narrative. SKM leader Prem Singh Tamang highlighted the SDF’s predicament in delivering Scheduled Tribe (ST) representation for Limbu-Tamang communities in the State Assembly, and promised parivartan (change). He also mobilised the sentiments of about 11 Nepali communities which have not been granted ST status yet.

Second, Mr. Tamang appealed to younger voters. The SKM’s ‘vote for jobs’ narrative struck a chord with the people. It equally allowed the incumbent Chief Minister to change his image. Mr. Tamang had been convicted in a graft case and served a one-year term in prison between 2017 and 2018. This attracted the provisions of the Representation of People Act, debarring him from being an electoral candidate for six years from the date he was released. The Election Commission in 2019 reduced the disqualification by almost five years. The Opposition has been protesting that Mr. Tamang’s swearing-in in May 2019 was illegal. But people’s memories are short and Mr. Tamang is now known as a pro-people Chief Minister.

Third, the SKM was also imaginative with its social media campaigns compared to the SDF and BJP. This also appealed to the younger voters.

The mandate that the SKM has received reveals a political space bereft of a credible Opposition and brings four decades of Mr. Chamling’s dominance to a closure.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) contested the election in the backdrop of the Finance Act of 2023, which expanded the definition of Sikkimese beyond Lepcha, Bhutia, and Nepali to include ‘other’ Indian citizens settled in Sikkim. This apparent effort to enfranchise non-Sikkimese in the Sikkimese political space caused concern. There was also fear following the dilution of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir that the government would dilute Article 371F of the Constitution, which provides for the unique status of Sikkim. It is not surprising then that many BJP MLAs switched to the SKM. The BJP’s candidates, who were mostly from the upper castes, did not do enough to appeal to the regional aspirations.

The crowd-funded Citizen Action Party-Sikkim also failed to create an impact. Its narrative of reform was too idealistic and did not strike a chord.

The Congress did not even deem it fit to visit Sikkim during its Bharat Jodo Yatra. Nor did the party, which was responsible for Sikkim’s integration with India, use history to dispel fears about the loss of autonomy and identity.

In the absence of Opposition legislators in the Sikkim Assembly, how will the delimitation exercise take place in 2026? Is the BJP likely to pitch for non-Sikkimese representation in the Sikkim Assembly? If the BJP-SKM alliance was a liability for State politics, does the absolute verdict in favour of the SKM mean that the people want a strong Chief Minister? It is crucial to note that Sikkim and Mizoram are outliers in the north-east, where the BJP otherwise dominates the political landscape.

Among other things, the verdict shows a preference to maintain the regional status quo. In this context, the SKM would do well to revisit the implementation of some Central laws in Sikkim. It could pass a resolution in the Assembly against the implementation of the Finance Act and work towards preserving the Sikkim subject. It could also help in the fight to obtain ST status for certain communities and give representation to the Limbu-Tamangs. This will not only reinforce but restore Sikkimese agency and autonomy.

Sunil Pradhan is a Sikkim-based political consultant

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