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Analysis: Airlangga’s resignation linked to Jokowi power play
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Coordinating Economic Minister Airlangga Hartarto speaks before the press about government's economic stand on the Iran-Israel conflict at his Jakarta office on Apr. 16, 2024. (JP/Deni Ghifari)
G
olkar Party chairman Airlangga Hartarto sent shockwaves through Indonesia’s political landscape when he abruptly stepped down from his position as the leader of the country’s second-largest party. While Airlangga claimed his decision was to ensure a “stable transition” between the current administration and the next, others have speculated that it was due to an underhanded maneuver by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo.
The timing of Airlangga’s resignation has drawn the attention of many, given that he was supposed to step down from his post in December when Golkar was slated to hold its national congress (Munas) to elect the chairman for the 2024-2029 period. Amid talk of there being an extraordinary congress (Munaslub) held before December, which Airlangga and other Golkar executives such as Jusuf Kalla had previously denied, speculation has it that an outside force is looking to seize the leadership of Indonesia’s oldest party.
Despite the Presidential Palace’s vehement denial, there are several indications that suggest Jokowi’s hand in this political surprise. For one, Jokowi has a track record of using graft cases to keep both his political allies and rivals in check. Airlangga stepped down from his post just a couple of weeks after being questioned by the Attorney General’s Office (AGO) in the ongoing, two-year investigation into a corruption case related to crude palm oil (CPO) export permits. In July last year, he also faced the music in the case.
Aditya Perdana, executive director of research and consulting firm Algoritma, said Airlangga was ousted in time for the regional head election candidate registration period, which will take place from Aug. 27 to 29. The regional head elections slated for November typically involve a lot of strategic coalition-building, however, Golkar has been seen butting heads with other members of the Gerindra-led Indonesia Onward Coalition (KIM) over their choices of candidates. For example, Golkar wanted to nominate its member Ridwan Kamil for the West Java governorship, since he stands a reasonable chance at being reelected, while Gerindra pushed for Ridwan to contest the Jakarta gubernatorial race so that Gerindra executive Dedi Mulyadi would compete in West Java instead.
Moreover, Airlangga’s interim replacement is Agus Gumiwang Kartasasmita, who served as social affairs minister in the President’s first cabinet and now leads the Industry Ministry in the KIM. According to Tempo, Agus will reportedly set the stage for Golkar’s extraordinary congress at the end of August to ensure that Investment Minister Bahlil Lahadalia, a Jokowi loyalist, is elected chairman. Many then speculate that Bahlil could name Jokowi the party’s chief patron, a position that former president Soeharto also held during the New Order era, which gave him full authority over party policies.
It may have seemed as though Jokowi had already secured his political power through the election of his eldest son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, as vice president. However, political parties are the ones that hold true influence in Indonesia’s democracy, as they control the House of Representatives, the institution that can approve and dismiss government policies.
The outgoing president is seen as trying to sustain his political clout through a powerful party like Golkar, which finished second after the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) in the legislative election.
