Examining immature Multi-party system in the Somali region of Ethiopia.
Brief background.
The change in the regime in 1991 and the charter that followed opened a gate to an era of peace and prosperity by creating a nation-state of equal and multi-party democracy. While it is midway, many of the promises made have become empty, and consequently, the country and it is people continue to throw what seems to be an all-round crisis that has led millions of nations' citizens to despair and hopelessness.
TPLF spearheads the ruling party i.e. EPRDF and it is core cadres commenced bad beginning remarks including a quick move on basic state transformation without consciousness, failure to harmonize dichotomy insights from elites in the north against the south-like perspectives regarding the interpretation of the past, understanding of the present and the vision towards the future. Furthermore, the EPRDF set the rules of the game and invited other political actors to accept rules fixed by one party. Finally, neither has not been a real negotiation over the original rules set by EPRDF nor did the EPRDF execute and fully respect it is own rules.
In Ethiopia, repeated political crises have been ongoing since 2015. These crises were exacerbated by the outcome of the state political culture like rampant acts of corruption, looting of public property, and land grabbing which led to public riots in various regions, notably in Oromia and Amhara. These riots resulted in many casualties and destruction of assets. As a result of popular uprisings in these regions, the ruling party was forced to convene unscheduled meetings with central and executive committees, which led to internal reforms being undertaken. Finally, in April 2018, PM Abiye Ahmed took over as the new Prime Minister. Immediately after he assumed office, the government instituted reforms that included releasing political prisoners, diluting state control of the economy, lifting the terrorist tag on armed groups, and making peace with the Eritrean government. These reforms were highly welcomed by the international community and various regional actors, especially the execution of a peace arrangement between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
After a thorough discussion with political parties, Prime Minister Ahmed suggested that pursuing multi-party democracy could be a viable option. This would require the establishment of robust institutions that uphold human rights and the rule of Law. However, the promises of democratic reforms have been half-hearted so far. These reforms include opening up the political space, revitalizing the National Electoral Commission (NEBE), and creating boundaries and the identity commission. The NEBE has been reformed and is now capable of carrying out it is duties and responsibilities to some extent like enabling political parties to register by various proclamations, establishing interparty political council platforms, improving working relationships, and attracting partners like the Netherlands Institute for multiparty democracy (NIMID), and National Democratic Institute (NDI).
The multi-party system in the Somali region is constantly evolving and changing.
Similar to other states in the country, various political parties exist symbolically. These parties become apparent during election campaigns. However, this symbolism disappeared after the 2005 election, when the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), The opposition party won 22 out of 23 seats in the national capital Addis-Ababa. The outcome of the said election is over, and the generic hope is to ensure the existence of a meaningful multi-party system in the country is jeopardized.
The Somali region experienced security challenges. However, a few registered political parties have managed to remain active during the election campaign period. These parties include Dilwabi, Dubbo, and Diginne, which are the ruling parties that are being used as a mechanism to showcase a multiparty system to the public. Unfortunately, after the 2005 Election, none of the existing political parties were able to hold meetings with their members across the various locations in the region as the regional ruling party, backed by TPLF generals, had complete control over all regional affairs including politics, contract administration, and regional councils’ nominations. Henceforth, the circumstances as mentioned earlier significantly undermine the multi-party democratic system in the Somali region.
Subsequent centuries of waiting, Ethiopians' hopes for meaningful political reforms were rekindled by popular uprisings, although they had anticipated reforms in every aspect, it had remained theoretical. During the 11th assembly of the ruling party held in Awassa, a decision was made to dissolve the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and establish a new party known as the Prosperity Party. This new party had a centralized approach in which the ruling party of the regions had equal status within the party, including the Somali Democratic Party (SDP). However, officials in the Somali region expressed concerns about the lack of clarity regarding the political programs of the new party, particularly about the federal structure and articles such as Article 39, which deals with self-determination. after a while, the leadership of the region was convinced and dissolved into the Prosperity Party.
A glimpse of the nation’s last election.
According to the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, elections are held across the country every five years. However, the last scheduled election was deferred due to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic disease. Following the Ethiopian government's call for a multi-party system, various political parties, including armed ones, signed a peace agreement with the government and registered as political parties. Among the region's ambitious leaders, ONLF was ahead while others were on the learning curve. On top of that, NEBE created a political party council along with proclamation number 1162/2019 having responsibilities like amicably resolving various implementations, democracy, and human rights issues that may arise during the election process; and discussing issues that help promote supremacy of the rule of law in Ethiopia. Given the clear guidance, the Somali region government went in the opposite direction which finally forced all opposition parties to decline participation in the election. In September 202 the ruling Prosperity Party won the victory unopposed. Compared to other regions of the country, candidates from the opposition party won the election over other candidates like the capital city of the nation Addis-Ababa, Amhara region, and a few other places.
To the surprise of many, out of 273 seats in the Somali region's election, only one candidate was elected as an independent. The argument I have for this matter is strengthened by the government's disobedience of electoral Law, which occurred during the election time and showed that the government of the Somali region's appeal for democratic changes is a means of carrying out state capture narratives.
The region’s Opposition party after the last Election.
National Election Board reforms encourage regional political parties that have been paralyzed and oppressed to rebirth again and welcome new members. Seven opposition political organizations in the region are fully legitimate as parties such as ONLF, FEP, WDSP, UDF, DDP, DWP, UDF, and USFC. Despite grappling with obstacles like insufficient funding and mistrust of the region’s ruling party, the opposition ones, also struggle with cognitive dissonance regarding the political culture of the multiparty system. Simultaneously, regional authorities worked particularly hard to use the region's security forces and resources to undermine opposition parties that are actively engaged in the region. As reported in the social media and on the official websites of a few opposition parties whose members are being held in different parts of the region, peaceful protests have been put on hold, and party members are not allowed to utilize public spaces. Therefore, opposition party officials find it puzzling, to stay dormant and rely on the talk of the town when it comes to matters of security, politics, the economy, and social concerns in the Somali region.
In addition to the urgent national issues, I contend that the opposition party is having trouble obtaining information about how the regional administration stands on matters such as the states of fiscal decentralization, particularly concerning revenue components, unstable border security in the region, communal conflicts along the border in neighboring countries, and ongoing threats on cross-border trade by the federal police. I recall one of the discussions where the regional president pleaded with opposition parties in the region to disclose issues against the interest of the region's population is welcome and appreciated to discuss federal-level administrations.
The Way Forward.
The implementation of a multiparty system in the Somali region has had negative impacts on the political landscape. Although there have been some positive effects, many areas are yet to see any significant improvement. Hence, it is crucial to contemplate some Important aspects and explore possibilities to enhance the situation. Below, we have identified some significant considerations and potential areas for improvement.
1. Common Somali Agendas: All eligible political parties in the region are expected to meet periodically, either quarterly or semi-annually, to update each other and discuss what is happening at the national level. The focus should be on putting together a clear strategy that considers the interests of the Somali community in the region.
2. Advocacy and Building a robust civic society: The presence of a strong civic society that is inclusive and fosters respectful institutions is crucial to the political, economic, and social affairs of the region.
3. Building trust among political narratives: It is important to put aside clan and interested group political narratives, and strive for unity and respect towards one another, Though the party's manifesto and political programs are unidentical.